一个负责任的互联网
1940年代,“美国新闻自由委员会”发布了一份名为《一个自由而负责的新闻界》的报告。这个委员会是由13名一流学者组成的,他们历经三年,九易其稿,于1947年3月27日发表了这份后来被称为美国新闻界“社会责任理论”总奠基的报告。
这个报告里的很多观点已经成为全球新闻业者的圭臬,比如下面这句——“本委员会反复表明我们的信念:新闻界应该自觉承担起为公众利益服务的责任。”这是一种积极而负责任的职业操守,也是一种严肃认真的职业态度。
正是凭借此次来美国媒体精英层的反思,以及二战后欧美经济的强势崛起,西方媒体从此获得了在全球话语权的领导地位。此次反思的价值,就在于这个13个人的委员会几乎重塑了欧美新闻从业者的职业操守。
没有职业操守的新闻从业者,就好像拿着笔杆子四处乱窜的刀笔吏,写下不负责任的文字,制造出种种玷污心灵的文字垃圾。
如果一群没有职业操守的人来做互联网呢?
××××××××
今天的中国互联网,与60年前的美国新闻界是何其的相似。
一方面是面临着难得的历史发展机遇:随着改革开放30年的经济积累,中国的网民群体剧增,互联网市场日益庞大,各种新服务新应用层出不穷,互联网的发展吸引了大量的国内外投资,在政治、经济、文化等各个层面影响着中国。
另一方面,互联网上病毒泛滥,垃圾邮件猖獗,网络游戏惹人沉迷,盗版侵权无处不在,金融诈骗屡见不鲜,想要保护住自己的QQ号码都要经过至少三层的密码保护……
互联网在给我们带来极大方便、巨大改变的同时,并没有给我们带来更多的安全感。
最近,两条来自互联网的新闻闹得沸沸扬扬:一个是奇虎360安全防护软件“误杀”瑞星,遭到瑞星痛斥,奇虎随机起诉瑞星损害了名誉权;一个是新浪、搜狐、网易、腾讯等四大门户网站都称自己奥运期间流量第一,相关公司的一些高层甚至按捺不住,跳出来指斥对方作假……口水仗打得不亦乐乎!
真相永远只有一个,第一也不会有两个。
奇虎360和瑞星的争斗,在于利益的瓜分。奇虎之前在产品推广中,免费捆绑了国际杀毒安全领域内的大品牌卡巴斯基,此举已经让数家国内杀毒软件大厂颇为反感,但是为了占领市场份额,不得不纷纷作出让利行动。2008年,奇虎在之前捆绑卡巴斯基的基础上,又逐步推出了自有品牌的安全杀毒软件,而且还号称是永久免费,这更进一步地蚕食了瑞星的市场。
恰恰就在这个时候,瑞星发布消息说:奇虎360在用户选择安装瑞星防火墙的途中作梗,并将其作为病毒拦截并删除。但是奇虎自己的调查显示:经调查,几千名测试者以及技术部门检测都没发现误杀瑞星防火墙的情况。奇虎并猜测所谓的“误杀”是瑞星的苦肉计。
奇虎到底有没有做手脚,让用户装不上瑞星?两家的产品都号称可以对用户的上网行为进行全程的安全保护,如果他们真的已经开始在用户电脑里斗个你死我活,那么,用户的电脑是一种信息时代的工具,还是厂家的屠宰场?用户是信息时代的受益者,还是屠宰场上的牛羊?
同样的,四大门户网站纷纷抢夺第一的名号,也没有从网民、没有从用户、没有从社会责任的角度做考量。他们只是从市场宣传的角度考虑,从自家名声、利益的角度去进行一种自我宣传和炒作。本来,很多国人通过本届奥运会的成功举办,确实地感受到了网络传播的威力,享受到了互联网带来的便利和实惠,但是,奥运会结束之后四大门户网站争抢第一的行为,足以让这个好印象大打折扣了。
不禁要再问一句:中国的互联网从业者到底怎么啦?难道就不能在目前相对自由、宽松的互联网发展局面下,负责任地做点事,说点话?
××××××××
我们需要一个有职业操守的、为网民为用户负责任的互联网。
08月11日16时的金牌榜
1,这是一个多么精妙的对比…
2,一方越向上越多,越向下越少,另一方越向上越少,越向下越多;
3,一方面成绩很多,基础薄弱,金牌雄厚,银铜欠缺;
4,另一方面正好相反,3、4、5,一个坚实的正三角形;
5,我们,是一个虚无的、不稳定的、没有根基的倒三角形…
本地最好的论坛花落谁家?
今天下午,某Q群里来了两个大人物:Obama和Clinton,两位尽管在美国08大选中为了民主党总统候选人的出线权斗得你死我活,还是在百忙之中抽出时间对西安的本地几大所谓的大网站的论坛进行了评点。
这次评点是从本地知名博客无标题的新近文章引起的——
Obama
左手博客里的那个吃客网是指的吃家网吧
Clinton
呵呵,应该是,这小子就知道吃,肯定写错了
Obama
我就说查了半天不明白
吃家网也是263好吃网的模式,不过他们先“点燃”的是用户
但是饭店也是他们的原先资源而已
Clinton
对~老哥你分析的对
Obama
不过263好吃网在领先后,没有迅速去扩大,也是比较遗憾的
Clinton
263是比较可惜,它打下的基础很可能被吃家网蚕食
Obama
对的,这有点类似西安的各个论坛,眼光都盯在活跃用户身上了,活跃的就拿些人而已。
Clinton
圈子小,人员流动快
Obama
其实我觉得新用户和一些老百姓感兴趣的,都还没做出来的,论坛应该抓住这些,现在西安缺少消费时尚型论坛。所以吃家网论坛活跃也证明这点
Clinton
兄弟你说的很对
Obama
以后,可能西安最好的论坛不会出现在古城、华商、西部这几家公司里面,因为今日古城也有可能是明日西部的影子
Clinton
嘿嘿,今日华商也有昔日古城的影子
Obama
都有资源背景,也都有体制管理缺陷,这个是没法避免的。华商我看又在招人,感觉他们招了1年人,古城又在改版,改了1年版
Clinton
体制最重要,互联网最缺少的是好体制
Obama
古城的论坛如果是鸡肋,不如直接弄个sns去玩
Clinton
电信的资源很多,但是没有用,西部网也一样,体制限制了人力资源的发挥
奥运会是个欠操的靓妞
有个亚洲来的,黄皮肤黑头发的穷小子要和靓妞过夜…靓妞的前几个客户——欧洲人、美国人看不下去了。
要知道,玩靓妞是要花大本钱的。穷小子最近30年来,也混成亚洲村里的村长了,尽管亚洲村里的别的村民未必认可他。但是他靠着剥削村民,靠着自家地里的石油、煤炭等等,靠着所谓的地大物博,也挣了点钱。
本村的小妞(全运会、亚运会…)都玩过了,没啥意思了,也想玩玩全球最靓的这个妞。
憋了30年,哦,哦,哦,不,是100多年的欲望啊…从穷小子爷爷辈就开始意淫洋妞的性欲啊…终于熬到了过夜的前夜的前夜的前夜了。穷小子在全球范围内竞标了好几次,终于取得了和靓妞过夜的档期。
但是靓妞的前前前客户们都不答应了,觉得靓妞被亚洲穷小子给日了…总之,心里不舒服。
再说亚洲穷小子也没啥公关能力,也不会斡旋,就知道拼命盖住自己刚缝上的烂裤裆,穿上了欧洲村、北美村、澳洲村流行过的皮鞋样式,还是光着脚,脚指头间还塞着隐藏在田间地头已经千余年的封建、专制、独裁、新闻封锁、侵犯人权的烂泥…
穷小子怒了,爷有钱,爷为什么不能玩靓妞?你们洋人能玩,为什么俺就不能玩?
其实洋人是想等穷小子将脚底上的泥洗干净了再玩…
亚洲村里的韩国小子、日本小子也玩过靓妞了,为什么就没遭到欧洲村、北美村的抵制?因为人家把脚丫子洗干净了。但是今天的这个穷小子太性急了,性欲太旺盛了,非要操一把靓妞以示与列强平起平坐了…
其实,操不操这个靓妞真的是无所谓的事,自己的发泄渠道找清楚,才能根本上解决意淫过度的问题。
[转]龟儿子,你到底想保卫谁
出处:何东·凤凰卫视非常道
王小二原来考托福几次未成,心里就开始痛恨美国。最近忽然就想起了要参军去打美国,于是小二晚饭时跟他老爸商量说:“我要去参军保卫国家,抵抗美帝入侵中国……”
“啪!”老爸摔了饭碗一个耳光就扇过来,他破口大骂道:“你还真他妈是很二!你爸、你妈不到45岁就双双下岗,医疗费现在都没地去报,龟儿子你连家人都保卫不了,你还敢说大话去保国?你倒是跟我说说看,美国人到底要侵犯咱们家个啥了?”
王小二:“我是要保卫的我们大中华的文化……”
王爸:“美国让朝鲜人抹掉历史文化了没有?要是当初真给抹了,韩国加朝鲜也不敢再惦记咱们长白山了!美国拆了日本靖国神社有没?美国人逼台湾拆了台北故宫了吗?”
王小二:“确实都没有……”
爸:“那你还胡唚美国会灭了大中华文化?美国人是焚书坑儒了?还是烧了阿房宫?还是拆了北京老城墙了?”
王小二:“我要保卫咱们的土地……”
老爸:“呸呀!你这混蛋龟儿子!你倒先跟我讲讲,你在这里哪有过一寸咱自己的土地了?你老爸老妈搭上你几十年苦哈哈当老黄牛,到现在连几十平套间都买不起,就算你将来能买得起,你龟儿子也就只能弄个暂时使用权,你还说保卫土地?等到你脚底下有一寸能容你放个屁的土地你再说保卫吧你!”
王小二:“美国佬他们一直就想吞并我们中国……”
老爸:“你龟儿子高中刚毕业那年,不就嚷着叫着要去美国上哈佛吗?你那一堆同学不也拼了命学他妈英文都要托福想去美国留学吗?美国真要吞并了这儿,还真把一群中国爹妈给儿子出国的养老钱都省省了。”
王小二:“那不一样,我们出国是为了将来回来建设家乡,如果我们5000年中国没了,变成美国,呜呜……我伤心呀!”
爸:“谁说中国有5000年的?以前最风光的时候那叫汉、唐、那叫大清、那叫元朝!‘中国’才叫了有100年,而且还是两千年最穷的100年。醒一醒吧,龟儿子!”
王小二:“中国要是被美国给吞了,就成了全是白人说了算,华人就成二等公民……”
老爸:“你不知道美国选总统都是一人一票吗?要是合并了咱们大中国,十三亿黄面孔人对他妈两亿白脸鬼,最后选出总统还不是咱们中国人吗?”
王小二嗫嚅:“要是美国人来了,就会颠覆人民政府。我要保卫的是人民政府!”
老爸更狠地“啪”又一个耳光打在王小二脸上:“我这么多年真是白养活了你个傻二的龟儿子!你心里到底想保卫哪一级政府?是税务局?是证监委?是工商还城管?是教育部?是卫生部?药监局?计生办?还是中国足协?你再敢胡说,看我不打断你个龟儿子的腿……”
08年物价上涨的秘密…
某人在电话里悄悄地告诉我:“家母发现了近期中国物价上涨的秘密!那就是——”
某人暂停了一下,故意惹起我的好奇心。我当然是忙不迭地催促继续说下去。
某人于是说:“因为奥运会要来了,很多老外来中国了,咱们不能便宜他们,一定要把物价涨上去,好好地挣他们的钱…我娘还说:咱们中国好歹也是礼仪之邦,提前涨价,不让外国人知道,让他们对物价没感觉,没感知,好乖乖地把钱掏出来…”
某人很纳闷,于是就质疑:“那人家美国运动员都不吃中国伙食,要自己带了,连训练基地都要放到日本了…”不料某人的家母说:“还有其他国家的人啊,美国人才几个啊?其他国家队的人更多…”
某人的家母还就此断定:“奥运会之后,中国的物价肯定要降下来…”
我天朝2007年持续至今的涨价谜团终于就此揭开!无数的经济学家、评论家、博客写手、论坛辨士吵嚷了许久没有解决的问题,就这样被一个家庭主妇给解决了!
大隐隐于朝,小隐隐于市,神仙隐于厨房厕所间…! Read more
中国春联·美国《普知》
(一)
2月只有29天,还有春节假期在里面,因此在公司食堂吃饭就很不划算。
中午和吕梁去光华路上的新疆大盘鸡吃了拌面。回来的时候发现了有人在卖春联。
我的那个小房子去年因为没确定是留在北京还是西安,因此就没来得及去替换春联。一副春联用了两年。不知道是不是因为春联超期服役,中途罢工,福气没保住,恶气临门?所以导致我整个2007年出现了这么多的不快!
所以,当看到有人在卖春联,而且是手写的非印刷版的春联,我就开始琢磨着给我的门上换个新的。
我小的时候,家里的春联是父亲和大哥两个人 包办的,他们都写了一手好字,我的字不行,曾经用心地练习过,不过现在也已经被电脑键盘毒害了。每个春节,贴春联几乎是我的专利,看到门上换了新春联的时候,就觉得春节要来了,好吃好喝好拿到东西马上就要到手了…
我对手写体的春联的感情大概就这么积累下来了。因此,当看到寒风中的这位老伯在兜售手写体的看上去还不错的春联,尽管他开口就要15元,我还是毫不犹疑地就购买了一套:上联、下联、横批还有一个“福”字。
(二)
买了春联后,走了没几步,就发现了一个报摊。
元旦到春节之间,是各种好看的报刊最多的时候,我特意留驻黎一下。无意中发现了一本写着“Reader’s Digset版权专授合作”的《普知》杂志。
我不读中国的《读者》已经好几年了,但是在10年前,我是每本必买的,而且还在上面标标注注了好多自己的随感,甚至将好的文章再特意地抄写在一个手抄本上。
我还跑到旧书摊上,收购过85-95年前后的《读者(文摘)》。曾经有一本叫《中国可以说“不”》的书,还抨击过《读者(文摘)》,说它是亲美的小资读物。
而那个时候,我只是一个穷学生而已。事实上,在当时,我还不知道中国的《读者(文摘)》是模仿美国《Reader’s Digset》的,但是我知道美国的《Reader’s Digset》曾经想中国《读者(文摘)》起诉侵权,导致后者去掉了“文摘”,更名为“读者”。
85年的中国《读者》价格不到5毛,后来涨价到7毛,后来8毛,后来1元、1元5毛、2元、3元…
在中国《读者》出现20多年后,但是,经过了“版权合作”的美国《Reader’s Digset》才来到中国。
我今天购买的这本创刊号的《Reader’s Digset》中国大陆版权合作版的价格是12元。
(三)
中国汉字,传承千年,历经变迁。从汉字衍生出来“书法 ”这门艺术。宋时“新桃旧符”几经改变,演变成了“春联”。
欧美的文化、科技、生活和情感,经过编辑加工、印刷制作,成为了一本“影响全球8000万人”的流行通俗读物。
一个是手工制品,15元,一个是机器印刷制品,12元。
不同文化产品的价值最后折合成人民币,中国人还略微胜了一筹。
(四)
但是,美国人,可以看到我们的春联么?能够读懂中国人在春联上赋予的幸福感和文化情趣么?
尽管,我们中国人,可以在经过编译之后,看到中文化的美国人的幸福感和文化情趣。
中国人的文化情趣没有扩张力了?中国人的价值观为什么就不能复制衍生到美国了?
胡紫微引用法国某外交官的话说:“如果中国不能输出价值观的话,就永远不能成为一个真正的大国。”看来确实是有道理的。
左语录070606
10万年后,由于社会贫富两极分化,人类将彻底进化成两个截然不同的亚种――英俊而聪明的”高雅人”和丑陋而愚笨的”野蛮人”。”高雅人”处于社会的顶层,由少数拥有特权、受过高等教育而且健康的富人进化而来。而”野蛮人”处于社会的底层,由一无所有的穷人进化而来。 ——刘济齐,不能不说的中国“社会主义”
“我们的网络家园不容污染,我们的孩子不容伤害。对网络淫秽色情,我们将坚决予以打击,常抓不懈,努力使互联网成为安全网、放心网、和谐网。”——蔡名照
《世界经理人》引述报告披露:至2006年3月底,私人拥有财产(不包括在境外、外国的财产)超过五千万以上的有27310人,超过一亿元以上的有3220人。超过一亿元以上者,有2932人是高干子女,他们拥有资产20450亿元。他们较集中在八个省市:广东省,1566人;浙江省,462人;上海市,225人;北京市,195人;江苏省,172人;山东省,141人;福建省,92人;辽宁省,79人。——知者无忧,[旧闻一则] 中国亿万富豪9成以上是高干子女
Scott Adams说了一句很邪恶却也很实在的话,说改变美国外交政策解决不了中东问题,也解决不了恐怖分子对美国的威胁。他说更好的办法,是给恐怖分子去找个新的对手,新的archenemy。恐怖分子是很有精力的,总要发泄的,他说本拉登本来就是对付前苏联的,是要把前苏联赶出阿富汗,后来苏联撤了,甚至不争气,垮了,本拉登这才对付起美国。——天敌
从Alexa全球前20位的网站排名中发现的问题
1 yahoo.com (yahoo、美国、门户)498d202
2 msn.com (MSN.net、美国、门户)
3 google.com (Google、美国、搜索)
4 youtube.com (Google、美国、视频&web2.0)
5 myspace.com (新闻集团、美国、web2.0)
6 live.com (MSN.net、美国、搜索)
7 baidu.com (中国、搜索&社区)
8 orkut.com (Google、美国、社区&web2.0)
9 qq.com (中国、IM&社区&web2.0&门户)
10 yahoo.co.jp (yahoo、日本、门户)
11 wikipedia.org (……、美国、……)
12 sina.com.cn (中国、门户&博客)
13 microsoft.com (MSN.net、美国、技术&服务)
14 megaupload.com (……、美国、网络存储&web2.0)
15 blogger.com (Google、美国、博客)
16 ebay.com (美国、电子商务)
17 hi5.com (美国、社区)
18 sohu.com (中国、门户&博客)
19 163.com (中国、门户&社区)
20 google.co.uk (Google、英国、搜索)
1,Google系、微软系、雅虎系的有几个?其他的呢?
5:3:2,总数10个,占到了一半。
2,中国的有几个?美国的呢?
中国5个,美国13个,两者相加18个,日本和英国各1个。
3,社区类的互联网交互服务呢?新闻类互联网资讯服务的呢?web2.0的呢?
……待续……
4,blogger为什么可以超过搜狐,orkut为什么可以超过blogger?youtube为什么可以超过myspace和orkut?
……请您参看《网络编辑工作的含金量远超平面编辑》……
5,搜狐超过网易了么?网易在哪些地方超过了搜狐?
流量上超过了,但是市值上没超过。网易还是比搜狐大。寻找最有价值的流量。
6,新闻集团,维基百科,电子港湾,还有哪些是独立的非社区类的东西?
Myspace、Wiki、Ebay何尝不是另外一种社区?
一个是音乐社交性伴侣社区,一个是知识分享社区,一个是人人可开店铺的物品交换社区?
越来越简单
这个时间正是美国的感恩节,韩国的感恩节是我们中国的中秋节。
我无意中遇到了一件需要感谢的事:甘帮我纪录了我的青春。
甘有一个大箱子寄放在我家已经两年多。
今天下午他过来取回。在整理箱子的时候发现这个箱子简直就是一个“月光宝盒”,里面有很多记载了我们俩青春记忆的东西,打开了箱子,我们就好像回到了过去。
箱子里面有甘打印的一份我在大学时期的“文学作品”,我扫了一眼,惊觉自己当年竟然写出那么“矫情”的东西。那个时候的感情是多么的丰满而真挚呵。
而如今,我写的东西,是越来越简单了。文笔越来越简单,不再追求那么华丽的辞藻;长度越来越短小,不再追求那么细致的结构;语句越来越直白,摒弃了那些手法多样的修辞……
越来越简单,越来越直接,或许这就是为了适应网络时代的阅读节奏吧?
[转载]中国官员到美国学习如何控制媒体
闾丘露薇 Sep 15, 2006
在肯尼迪学院有这样一门课,专门教授公务员,政府官员如何和媒体打交道。老师是newsweek的总编辑,我们几个做记者的去了一次,向他提了一个问题:“身为媒体,却在教授官员如何防范媒体,是不是觉得有点点利益冲突。”
不知道是不是第一次被这麽直接地问这样的问题,他显得有点点尴尬,不过很快就解释说,他不是记者,他是编辑。
如何和媒体打交道,身为媒体人的他给与官员们的第一个建议就是,千万不要和媒体做朋友,因为每个记者,都是希望在官员和政客的身上挖掘消息,饭桌上的聊天,很可能就成为了一条爆炸性新闻的来源。这点和我们中国不同,至少我自己的原则是,如果不是在采访的情况下,对方所讲的东西都不会被直接地报道出来,如果我觉得重要的话,那麽我会再用采访的方式进行,虽然这样的话,难度要高很多,很多时候,因为对方拒绝采访,就很难跟进。但是这是我所遵守的职业道德。
不过对于西方媒体来说并不是这样,只要是听来的消息,如果确保消息来源可靠的话,即使是国家机密,也可以报道。前伊拉克大使的夫人被媒体报道是CIA的特工,消息就是某些高层官员和记者聊天的时候透露的,当然,这些官员说,他们是无意的,不管是不是,报道的记者因为违反法庭要求她透露消息来源而坐了牢。不过要分清楚,不是因为报道了国家机密,而是因为宁愿不透露消息来源。
不过作为媒体人,这位老师教导他的官员学生们要记得一点,那就是历史证明,媒体的监督是确保权力滥用的最佳方法。对媒体隐瞒真相,也就是对人们隐瞒真相,最终受损的,还是政府形象,以及有关的官员。
只是,如何和媒体打交道,有很多的讲究,很多时候,还需要学会如何向媒体推销自己想要民众知道的消息,或者是那些有利于自己的形象的正面消息。白宫处理得比较失败的例子,当然是水门案件以及克林顿的丑闻。不过,尽管不少人对于布什政府不满意,但是从政府处理和媒体的关系来看,他们相当的成功,他们说得很少,而媒体一方面是自身的原因,另一方面是白宫的策略成功,他们很大程度上成为了政府的传声筒。直到最近,不少主流媒体发现了自己的失误而向公众道歉。而同样的情况,在六十年代,当时的白宫向公众推销美国面临苏联的核危险的时候的情况,是一样的。
在肯尼迪学院,有不少的中国政府官员,从中央部委到地方基层,哈佛对于这些人相当上心,给他们请来的都是哈佛最顶级的教授,从美国政治,到政府技巧,当然也包括如何和媒体打交道。
正如教授对那些官员所说,2008年,对于中国是关键的一年,而中国的形象,很大程度取决于如何对待媒体。这些天,关于中国政府加强对媒体控制的报道,因为新华社重申对外国通讯社的规定而炒得非常的热闹,美国贸易办公室和欧盟都加入了进来。在哈佛,也有研究中国互联网的项目,看了一下,标题就相当的负面。
温总在英国说,希望媒体报道他的讲话,中国尊重外国媒体合法报道,媒体报道了,但是是否理解他的话,或者说如何理解他的话,这才是重点,至少对我来说,我倒是有点点给搞糊涂了。
被林语堂翻译后的美国《独立宣言》
咱们国事乱到这般田地,叫咱们不得不跟(英国)皇上分家,自起炉灶,除了老天爷以外,谁也不要管谁,所以这会子总应向大家交个账,说个明白,叫人家懂得这是怎么一回事,别疑心了咱们是在做什么坑崩拐骗蒙的好勾当。
“咱们不会歪缠,就是这么几名话。一则,你我大家比起人家都是一只鼻子两只眼睛,不认输谁,说不定比人家还强的多着呢;二则,谁也别想贬却咱们的身分资格;三则,一个人要怎么活就可以怎么活,要怎么玩就可以怎么玩,要到哪儿去就可以到哪儿去,只要不碍着旁人就得了。什么鸟政府不放咱们这样,便是王八蛋。”还有,老百姓要什么政府就可自己做主,不干人家的鸟事。什么政府不给咱们这样就得滚他的蛋,再扶一个出来顶替。固然,象那些南美洲的傻子浑人,或者象什么***,天天革命,也不成个样子。或者衙门里老爷一做岔了事便革一回命,也是不成的。有时候,老爷们吞款舞弊,作恶为非,咱们闭着眼儿装不见,比起傻子浑人***天天革命还好,你只要不是什么无来由的,还能说声不是吗?但是国事混乱到这个分儿,一个人什么身分儿都没有了,任人当奴才看,到这会子,大家就得合拢来革那些狗官僚的命儿,另叫一般人来,给监视着,不让他们大模大样干他们偷鸡的勾当。咱们十三州老百姓就是这么一句话,罪受够了,再混也混不下去。
当今皇上乔治登基以来,政事就是一团糟,谁不服气来同他办交涉,就是一把拳头叫你吃,这还有什么天理么?咱们同他算一下账给你瞧。
咱们一体通过的条陈,他总批驳下来,咱们人人反对的条例,他倒给钦此了。
咱们有什么呈文,非他亲眼瞧过不成,呈文一上去,他却向口袋里一放,装着忘了,你同他提起,只给你一个不睬。
人家到宫里去呈请他立个新法,他就是这么一套:要末,把议会封起来,让他称孤道寡,孤行己意,不然,便是一个不行,两个不行。
他叫议会到那儿岭外天边三家村上去开会,乐得没人肯去,让他去一意横行霸道。
议员去找他,说什么好歹,他就是一溜不见,送他们回家。
议院封了,要叫开又不肯开,政事没人管,成个无法无天的天下。
他哄人家不要来咱们十三州。谁要来,也不让有报纸看,人家一看也不肯来了,就是来了,也不给田地,不得不回去,有的索性就不来。
他跟法官通同作弊,就不肯出钱多用几个官吏,人家有案子,三年两载还不见个动静,不发下来,只好认倒霉空手回去。
法官有什么不顺从他的意旨,就得滚蛋,官俸又不发,叫他们先来孝敬老天爷,不然也别想拿一个大。
高兴起了,就添了什么司什么员,安排一些不见经传的人小,钱向咱们老百姓腰包里拿,不管你情愿不情愿。
一个好好的太平天下,养了一大班丘八,惊扰百姓,咱们怎么抗议也没用。
他放着这些丘八作恶为非,横行霸道,不挂腰刀的人只好听他们排比。
他放贪官污吏到处作孽,一朝权在手,无恶不作,干起以下的事来:
叫一些毫无用处人人讨厌的丘八驻扎民家里。
丘八杀人,便做个圈套,放他们逍遥法外。
管人家的事。
征苛捐杂税,也不问一问咱们缴的税项有个缴税的道理没有。
把人捉将官里去,人家要叫百姓陪审,不让陪审。
把人无端赶出国外,事案是此地发的,叫人家到天边海外去受审。
放几个坏蛋充我们邻国的官员,慢慢的扩展,希望有一天把咱们也吞下去,同他们一般腐败。把宪法当做把戏,人人说好没人说坏的法律,他偏取消,让他一人去瞎干。
他把议院关了门,就象他一个人独干比别人干得好。现在一不做二不休,索性跟咱们开战,咱们还认什么皇上,做什么臣子?
他把城也烧了,人也杀了,比狗还不如,在海上还要兴师问罪。
他雇些荷兰杂种来打咱们,教他们只要打得过咱们,可以随意抢掠,什么万国公法都不顾了。
咱们自己人在海上给他捉去,不管愿意不愿意,就迫着拿起枪把杀咱们同胞。
他唆使印第安生番,给他们枪火,教他们打死咱们的男女老少。
“每回他这样干,咱们就不服同他反抗,每回咱们不服同他反抗,他还是照旧这样干下去。一个人老是这样蛮横不讲理,还有什么身分,就是不配来管咱们有身分失,应当滚蛋。”
“咱们向英国人讲理,总是不得要领。差不多天天咱们忠告他们,他们那边那些官僚违法越权,侵犯咱们。咱们老同他们讲,咱们是谁,咱们在做什么事,咱们为什么过海而来。咱们同他们讲公道,告诉他们,如果长此下去,咱们有一天要自己做自己打算,他们才知道利害。但是越和他们讲理,越无理可讲。可以见得他们不跟咱们一伙儿,就是同咱们为难,咱们就得同他们拚个高低,打完了再做道理。
因此,咱们决定,咱们代表十三州府的百姓在议会上议决:咱们合众国就是以前的十三州府,从此以后是自由国,照理就早该如此;咱们不认皇上,同他一刀两断,再也不听英国人的吩咐;咱们既然自由,自由国能干什么咱们就能干什么,尤重要的是宣战、议和、营商等等。
咱们拿圣经罚咒,大家一心一力,有首有尾,不顾利害,不论成败,不计吉凶,就是财破人亡,到断头台上,还是这样做去。
布林和佩奇危害了美国的国家安全
今年一月,美国司法部要求Google提供数百万的网址以及两个月的用户搜索请求数据。Google认为这侵犯了用户的隐私,所以拒绝了美国司法部的要求。美国司法部为此和Google闹上了法庭。
本周五,美国加州北区地方法院法官Judge James宣布,Google不需要向美国司法部提供用户搜索请求的数据,而只需要提供他们数据库中的50000个网址(而不是美国司法部原先要求的数百万)。
很显见,乖乖地按照政府邀请提供了用户各种资料的Yahoo和MS的尴尬脸色。Google的此举除了赢得了用户的支持,还自然将得到更多的市场。
我不敢想象,如果这事情发生在中国的话,那将会是怎么样?
除了Google将被取消营业资格,还将被断网、多机、罚款吧?哦,应该还要给布林和佩奇一个危害国家安全、妨碍公务执行的大帽子!
中美人权报告战
一年一度的人权反咬戏又见诸国内媒体了。这种愚蠢拙劣的官方应对我已经不屑于进行评论了。只是刚才在一个被我们和谐社会消音的媒体上看到这句话,深以为然,在点录之,为这位可敬的黑人女性喝声彩——
美国现任国务卿赖斯说:“一个国家如何对待自己的人民是一个非常醒目的指标,能够从中看出这个国家如何对待自己的邻国。对民主体制的不断增加的渴求反映出人权的最好保障就是一个欣欣向荣的民主政体,包括透明化、负责任的政府体制、法律面前人人平等的司法制度、发达的公民社会、政治多元化以及独立媒体。” 以下为这个报告的一个洁本的序言。 Read more
[转载]美国国会就谷歌雅虎等公司与中国政府的合作举行听证会
星期三,美国国会就古狗.雅虎等公司与中国政府的合作举行听证会, 讨论中国网络言论自由问题.
美国政府日前宣布成立全球互联网信息自由工作组,帮助美国网络科技公司在类似中国的国家或地区经营时捍卫当地网络言论自由.
以下为Google的申诉全文.
Posted by Karen Wickre, Google Blog team
At today’s hearing before the Committee on International Relations of the U.S. House of Representatives, we provided the following testimony:
Testimony of Google Inc. before the Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific, and the Subcommittee on Africa, Global Human Rights, and International Operations
Committee on International Relations, United States House of Representatives
February 15, 2006
Elliot Schrage
Vice President, Global Communications
and Public Affairs, Google Inc.
My name is Elliot Schrage and I am the vice president for global communications and public affairs at Google. My role is to help shape and explain the decisions Google makes as a company in its efforts to provide global access to information as quickly, conveniently, usefully, and comprehensively as possible.
I’m here today to answer any and all questions you might have about how we are attempting to do business in China. I certainly don’t – my colleagues certainly don’t – expect everyone to agree with our decision to launch a new service inside this challenging, complex, promising market. I hope my testimony will help explain how we came to our decision, what we’re seeking to accomplish, and how we’re seeking to accomplish it.
Introduction
At the outset, I want to acknowledge what I hope is obvious: Figuring out how to deal with China has been a difficult exercise for Google. The requirements of doing business in China include self-censorship – something that runs counter to Google’s most basic values and commitments as a company. Despite that, we made a decision to launch a new product for China – Google.cn – that respects the content restrictions imposed by Chinese laws and regulations. Understandably, many are puzzled or upset by our decision. But our decision was based on a judgment that Google.cn will make a meaningful – though imperfect – contribution to the overall expansion of access to information in China.
Until a few weeks ago, Google has been serving Chinese Internet users the same way we serve all Internet users worldwide since the company was founded in 1999. Though we had no operations or employees in China, we were able to provide a Chinese-language version of Google.com that, thanks to the global nature of the Internet, could easily be reached by users inside China. In 2002, we started to learn that Google was sporadically unavailable to Chinese users. In the fall of that year, we awoke one morning to emails from Google users in China informing us that our service was completely unavailable. We faced a choice at that point: hold fast to our commitment to free speech (and risk a long-term cut-off from our Chinese users), or compromise our principles by entering the Chinese market directly and subjecting ourselves to Chinese laws and regulations. We stood by our principles, which turned out to be a good choice, as access to Google.com was largely restored within about two weeks.
However, we soon discovered new problems. Many queries, especially politically sensitive queries, were not making it through to Google’s servers. And access became often slow and unreliable, meaning that our service in China was not something we felt proud of. Even though we weren’t doing any self-censorship, our results were being filtered anyway, and our service was being actively degraded on top of that. Indeed, at some times users were even being redirected to local Chinese search engines Nevertheless, we continued to offer our service from outside China while other Internet companies were entering China and building operations there.
A bit more than a year ago, we decided to take a serious look at China and re-assess whether our approach there was the best strategy. We spent a lot of time talking to Chinese Internet experts and users, scholars and academics inside and outside China, respected “China hands,” human rights groups and activists, government officials, business leaders, as well as our own Chinese employees. From those discussions, we reached the conclusion that perhaps we had been taking the wrong path. Our search results were being filtered; our service was being crippled; our users were flocking to local Chinese alternatives; and, ultimately, Chinese Internet users had less access to information than they would have had.
Let me dig a bit deeper into the analytic framework we developed for China. Google’s objective is to make the world’s information accessible to everyone, everywhere, all the time. It is a mission that expresses two fundamental commitments:
(a) First, our business commitment to satisfy the interests of users, and by doing so to build a leading company in a highly competitive industry; and
(b) Second, our policy conviction that expanding access to information to anyone who wants it will make our world a better, more informed, and freer place.
Some governments impose restrictions that make our mission difficult to achieve, and this is what we have encountered in China. In such a situation, we have to add to the balance a third fundamental commitment:
(c) Be responsive to local conditions.
So with that framework in mind, we decided to try a different path, a path rooted in the very pragmatic calculation that we could provide more access to more information to more Chinese citizens more reliably by offering a new service – Google.cn – that, though subject to Chinese self-censorship requirements, would have some significant advantages. Above all, it would be faster and more reliable, and would provide more and better search results for all but a handful of politically sensitive subjects. We also developed several elements that distinguish our service in China, including:
Disclosure to users — We will give notification to Chinese users whenever search results have been removed.
Protection of user privacy — We will not maintain on Chinese soil any services, like email, that involve personal or confidential data. This means that we will not, for example, host Gmail or Blogger, our email and blogging tools, in China.
Continued availability of Google.com — We will not terminate the availability of our unfiltered Chinese-language Google.com service.
Many, if not most, of you here know that one of Google’s corporate mantras is “Don’t be evil.” Some of our critics – and even a few of our friends – think that phrase arrogant, or naïve or both. It’s not. It’s an admonition that reminds us to consider the moral and ethical implications of every single business decision we make.
We believe that our current approach to China is consistent with this mantra. Our hope is that our mix of measures, though far from our ideal, would accomplish more for Chinese citizens’ access to information than the alternative. We don’t pretend that this is the single “right” answer to the dilemma faced by information companies in China, but rather a reasonable approach that seems likely to bring our users greater access to more information than any other search engine in China. And by serving our users better, we hope it will be good for our business, too, over the long run.
To be clear, these are not easy, black-and-white issues. As our co-founder Sergey Brin has said, we understand and respect the perspective of people who disagree with our decision; indeed, we recognize that the opposing point of view is a reasonable one to hold. Nonetheless, in a situation where there are only imperfect options, we think we have made a reasonable choice. It’s a choice that has generated enormous attention – vastly more, indeed, than our earlier decisions not to cross the line of self-censorship. We hope that the ensuing dialogue will lead to productive collaboration among businesses and governments to further our shared aim of expanding access to information worldwide.
We think we have made a reasonable decision, though we cannot be sure it will ultimately be proven to be the best one. With the announcement of our launch of Google.cn, we’ve begun a process that we hope will better serve our Chinese users. We also hope that we will be able to add new services, if circumstances permit. We are also aware that, for any number of reasons, this may not come to pass. Looking ahead, we will carefully monitor conditions in China, including new laws and other restrictions on our services. If we determine that we are unable to achieve the objectives I’ve outlined above, we will not hesitate to reconsider our approach to China.
In the remainder of my written testimony below, I set forth the situation in China as we see it, the debate over the options we confronted, the substance of what Google has decided to do there, the reasoning behind that decision, and some ideas for both industry and governmental actions that could make a useful contribution to the objective of expanding access to information in every corner of the globe.
The Big Picture: The Internet is Transforming China
The backdrop to Google’s decision to launch Google.cn is the explosive growth of the Internet in China. To put it simply, the Internet is transforming China for the better. And the weight of the evidence suggests that the Internet is accelerating and deepening these positive trends, even in an imperfect environment.
Viewed broadly, information and communication technology – including the Internet, email, instant messaging, web logs, bulletin boards, podcasts, peer-to-peer applications, streaming audio and video, mobile telephones, SMS text messages, MMS photo-sharing, and so on – has brought Chinese citizens a greater ability to read, discuss, publish and communicate about a wider range of topics, events, and issues than ever before.
There are currently more than 105 million Internet users in China.1 Nearly half of them have access to broadband connections – an increase of 41% since 2003.2 Even so, Internet deployment in China is at a very early stage, reaching only about 8% of the population.3 Among those under 24 years of age, more than 80% are Internet users.4 By 2010, China will have more than 250 million Internet users.5 And already, there are more than 350 million mobile phones, a number growing by roughly 57 million annually.6
A recent and well-respected study by researchers at the Chinese Academy of Social Science (CASS) documents some interesting, and perhaps surprising, findings about the views of Chinese Internet users:7
Most Chinese Internet users believe that the Internet is changing politics in China. Internet users tend to agree that it will increase political transparency and expand discourse: 63% believe that citizens will learn more about politics by going online, 54% of users believe the Internet provides more opportunities for criticizing the government, and 45% believe that the Internet provides more opportunities to express political views.
Large majorities of Chinese believe that certain kinds of Internet content, including pornography and violence, should be controlled. However, only 7.6% believe that political content on the Internet should be controlled.
By a 10:1 margin, Chinese Internet users believe that the Internet will make the world a better, rather than worse, place.
Based on its results, the CASS Internet Survey concludes that “the political impact of the Internet is more significant than it is in other countries. The impact can be seen not only in the relationship between government and citizens but also among people who share similar political interests. Thus, we can predict that as Internet becomes more popular in China, the impact on politics will be stronger.”8
The Problem: Access to Google in China is Slow and Unreliable
Since 2000, Google has been offering a Chinese-language version of Google.com, designed to make Google just as easy, intuitive, and useful to Chinese-speaking users worldwide as it is for speakers of English. Within China, however, Google.com has proven to be both slow and unreliable. Indeed, Google’s users in China struggle with a service that is often unavailable. According to our measurements, Google.com appears to be unreachable around 10% of the time. Even when Chinese users can get to Google.com, the website is slow (sometimes painfully so, and nearly always slower than our local competitors), and sometimes produces results that, when clicked on, stall out the user’s browser. The net result is a bad user experience for those in China.
The cause of the slowness and unreliability appears to be, in large measure, the extensive filtering performed by China’s licensed Internet Service Providers (ISPs). China’s laws, regulations, and policies against illegal information apply not only to the Internet content providers, but also to the ISPs. China has nine licensed international gateway data carriers, and many hundreds of smaller local ISPs. Each ISP is legally obligated to implement its own filtering mechanisms, leading to diverse and sometimes inconsistent outcomes across the network at any given moment. For example, some of Google’s services appear to be unavailable to Chinese users nearly always, including Google News, the Google cache (i.e., our service that maintains stored copies of web pages), and Blogspot (the site that hosts weblogs of Blogger customers). Other services, such as Google Image Search, can be reached about half the time. Still others, such as Google.com, Froogle, and Google Maps, are unavailable only around 10% of the time.
Even when Google is reachable, the data indicates that we are almost always slower than our local competitors. Third-party measurements of latency (meaning the delay that a user experiences when trying to download a web page) suggest that the average total time to download a Google webpage is more than seven times slower than for Baidu, the leading Chinese search engine.
Users trying to get to Google will have different experiences at different times of day, and from different points on the Chinese network. For example, access to Google appears to be speedier and more reliable in Beijing than in Shanghai, and generally better in the largest cities compared to smaller towns, suburbs, and villages.
Based on our analysis of the available data, we believe that the filtering performed by the international gateway ISPs is far more disruptive to our services than that performed by smaller local ISPs. Because Google’s servers have, to date, been located exclusively outside China, all traffic to and from Google must traverse at least one of China’s international gateway ISPs. Accordingly, Google’s access problems can only be solved by creating a local presence inside China.
Operating without a local presence, Google’s slowness and unreliability appears to have been a major – perhaps the major – factor behind our steadily declining market share. According to third-party estimates, Baidu has gone from 2.5% of the search market in 2003 to 46% in 2005, while Google has dropped to below 30% (and falling).9 The statistics are even more dire among the college-age young, who use Baidu even more, and Google less, than their elders. Part of this has been due to improvements in Baidu’s services and a major marketing campaign (funded by the proceeds of its successful IPO in the US), but the leading cause seems to be the Chinese users’ annoyance at the persistent slowness and unreliability of Google.
Google’s Calibrated Approach
In light of the chronic access problems that have plagued Google in China, Google’s management set out more than a year ago to study and learn about China, to understand and assess our options, to debate their relative merits, and to make a decision that properly weighs both business and ethical considerations.
There is no question that, as a matter of business, we want to be active in China. It is a huge, rapidly growing, and enormously important market, and our key competitors are already there. It would be disingenuous to say that we don’t care about that because, of course, we do. We are a business with stockholders, and we want to prosper and grow in a highly competitive world.
At the same time, acting ethically is a core value for our company, and an integral part of our business culture. Our slowness and unreliability has meant that Google is failing in its mission to make the world’s information accessible and useful to Chinese Internet users. Only a local presence would allow Google to resolve most, if not all, of the latency and access issues. But to have a local presence in China would require Google to get an Internet Content Provider license, triggering a set of regulatory requirements to filter and remove links to content that is considered illegal in China.
So we were confronted with two basic options – [1] stay out of China, or [2] establish a local presence in China – either of which would entail some degree of inconsistency with our corporate mission. In assessing these options, we looked at three fundamental Google commitments:
(a) Satisfy the interests of users,
(b) Expand access to information, and
(c) Be responsive to local conditions.
The strongest argument for staying out of China is simply that Google should not cross the line of self-censorship, and should not be actively complicit in imposing any limits on access to information. To be clear, the persistence of severe access problems amid fierce competition from local alternatives suggests that the consequence of this approach would be the steady shrinking of Google’s market share ever closer to zero. Without meaningful access to Google, Chinese users would rely exclusively on Internet search engines that may lack Google’s fundamental commitment to maximizing access to information – and, of course, miss out on the many features, capabilities, and tools that only Google provides.
On the other hand, we believe that even within the local legal and regulatory constraints that exist in China, a speedy, reliable Google.cn service will increase overall access to information for Chinese Internet users. We noted, for example, that the vast majority of Internet searches in China are for local Chinese content, such as local news, local businesses, weather, games and entertainment, travel information, blogs, and so forth. Even for political discussions, Chinese users are much more interested in local Chinese Internet sites and sources than from abroad. Indeed, for Google web search, we estimate that fewer than 2% of all search queries in China would result in pages from which search results would be unavailable due to filtering.
Crucial to this analysis is the fact that our new Google.cn website is an additional service, not a replacement for Google.com in China. The Chinese-language Google.com will remain open, unfiltered and available to all Internet users worldwide.
At the same time, the speed and technical excellence of Google.cn means that more information will be more easily searchable than ever before. Even with content restrictions, a fast and reliable Google.cn is more likely to expand Chinese users’ access to information.
We also took steps that went beyond a simple mathematical calculus about expanding access to information. First, we recognize that users are also interested in transparency and honesty when information has been withheld. Second, users are concerned about the privacy, security, and confidentiality of their personal information. Finally, users want to have competition and choices, so that the market players have a strong incentive to improve their offerings over time.
Transparency. Users have an interest in knowing when potentially relevant information has been removed from their search results. Google’s experience dealing with content restrictions in other countries provided some crucial insight as to how we might operate Google.cn in a way that would give modest but unprecedented disclosure to Chinese Internet users.
Google has developed a consistent global policy and technical mechanism for handling content deemed illegal by a host government. Several of the countries in which we operate have laws that regulate content.In all of these countries, Google responds similarly. First, when we get a court order or legal notice in a foreign country where we operate, we remove the illegal content only from the relevant national version of the Google search engine (such as Google.fr for France). Second, we provide a clear notice to users on every search results page from which one or more links has been removed. The disclosure allows users to hold their legal systems accountable.
This response allows Google to be respectful of local content restrictions while providing meaningful disclosure to users and strictly limiting the impact to the relevant Google website for that country. For China, this model provided some useful guidance for how we could handle content restrictions on Google.cn in way that would afford some disclosure when links have been removed.
Privacy and Security. Google is committed to protecting consumer privacy and confidentiality. Prior to the launch of Google.cn, Google conducted intensive reviews of each of our services to assess the implications of offering it directly in China. We are always conscious of the fact that data may be subject to the jurisdiction of the country where it is physically stored. With that in mind, we concluded that, at least initially, only a handful of search engine services would be hosted in China.
We will not store data somewhere unless we are confident that we can meet our expectations for the privacy and security of users’ sensitive information. As a practical matter, meeting this user interest means that we have no plans to host Gmail, Blogger, and a range of other such services in China.
Competition and Choice. Internet users in China, like people everywhere, want competition and choices in the marketplace. Without competition, companies have little incentive to improve their services, advance the state of the art, or take innovative risks. If Google were to stay out of China, it would remove powerful pressure on the local players in the search engine market to create ever-more-powerful tools for accessing and organizing information. Google’s withdrawal from China would cede the terrain to the local Internet portals that may not have the same commitment, or feel the competitive pressure, to innovate in the interests of their users.
The Decision: What Google Is Doing in China
The deliberative process and analysis outlined above led to the following decisions.
(1) Launch Google.cn.
We have recently launched Google.cn, a version of Google’s search engine that we will filter in response to Chinese laws and regulations on illegal content. This website will supplement, and not replace, the existing, unfiltered Chinese-language interface on Google.com. That website will remain open and unfiltered for Chinese-speaking users worldwide.
(2) Disclosure of Filtering
Google.cn presents to users a clear notification whenever links have been removed from our search results in response to local laws and regulations in China. We view this a step toward greater transparency that no other company has done before.
(3) Limit Services
Google.cn today includes basic Google search services, together with a local business information and map service. Other products – such as Gmail and Blogger, our blog service – that involve personal and confidential information will be introduced only when we are comfortable that we can provide them in a way that protects the privacy and security of users’ information.
Next Steps: Voluntary Industry Action
Google supports the idea of Internet industry action to define common principles to guide the practices of technology firms in countries that restrict access to information. Together with colleagues at other leading Internet companies, we are actively exploring the potential for guidelines that would apply for all countries in which Internet content is subjected to governmental restrictions. Such guidelines might encompass, for example, disclosure to users, protections for user data, and periodic reporting about governmental restrictions and the measures taken in response to them.
Next Steps: U.S. Government Action
The United States government has a role to play in contributing to the global expansion of free expression. For example, the U.S. Departments of State and Commerce and the office of the U.S. Trade Representative should continue to make censorship a central element of our bilateral and multilateral agendas.
Moreover, the U.S. government should seek to bolster the global reach and impact of our Internet information industry by placing obstacles to its growth at the top of our trade agenda. At the risk of oversimplification, the U.S. should treat censorship as a barrier to trade, and raise that issue in appropriate fora.
________________________________
1 “China Online Search Market Survey Report,” China Network Information Center (CNNIC) (August 2005) (“CNNIC Search Engine Study”).
2 Guo Liang, “Surveying Internet Usage and Impact in Five Chinese Cities,” Research Center for Social Development, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (November 2005) (“the CASS Internet Survey”), at iii. The CASS Internet Survey is a statistically rigorous survey of Internet users in Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou, Chengdu, and Changsha.
3 Id.
4 Id., at iv.
5 “15th Statistic Survey Report on the Internet Development in China,” China Network Information Center (CNNIC) (2005).
6 From statistics published by China’s Ministry of Information Industry.
7 CASS Internet Survey., at iv-ix, 93-100.
8 Id. at 100.
9 CNNIC Search Engine Study.
微软证实删除了安替的博客
此新闻只敢转,不敢说一句评论了。
VOA记者: 赵婉成
美国微软公司星期三证实,他们删除了中国记者赵京的博客。微软公司说,这是为了遵守中国的法律。
微软公司在一份声明中说,删除赵京的博客是该公司为”确保公司的产品和服务能遵守全球和地区的法律、规范以及企业惯例”而采取的做法。声明还说,有时候在中国,地方法律和一些规定必须考虑到独特的因素。
美国哈佛大学法学院的伯克曼因特网与社会中心研究员REBECCA MACKINNON首先报导了赵京的博客在新年前夕被撤掉的消息。如果试图浏览这个博客,就会出现”本处暂时无法使用,请稍后再试”的字样。
赵京又名MICHAEL ANTI(安替),他是纽约时报驻北京的研究员。赵京曾在自己的博客上批评中国政府最近撤换北京新京报编辑的做法,这起事件导致新京报的记者进行了罕见的罢工。在赵京发表了有关批评后,他的博客就被撤下。REBECCA MACKINNO说,根据她的研究,微软公司是在服务器端把安替的博客关闭,这是微软公司自行撤下赵京博客的。










大事件(3):美国互联网的三国演义
Posted by 左 手 on 六月 16, 2008 · 1 条评论
刘微软想与孙雅虎结盟合并,孙雅虎怕被刘微软收了之后,丧失独立地位,婉拒。刘微软结盟不成。
曹谷歌之前也是依附于刘微软的操作系统,但是刘微软已经式微,经不起后期之秀曹谷歌的冲击。刘微软之前是垄断性的统治者,不想孙雅虎和曹谷歌在他开辟的疆域里很快地建立了各自的独立王国,而且实行了全新的治理模式,导致刘微软的竞争优势几乎丧失殆尽…
曹谷歌本来还想委身于孙雅虎,但是孙雅虎当年看不起他这个只会唱歌的戏子。但是几年下来,曹谷歌卧薪尝胆,创立了新的游戏规则和盈利模式,导致孙雅虎的虎牙虎爪也使不出来了…
几年下来,孙雅虎动摇了刘微软的统治基础,曹谷歌又动摇了孙雅虎的统治基础…
如今,曹谷歌站在了帝国疆域内的食物链的最上层,孙雅虎的虎子虎孙们都是给曹谷歌贡献粮草的兵卒,而刘微软则沦落成了孙雅虎和曹谷歌们跑马圈地的工具。
刘微软想联合孙雅虎成为一个产供销的联盟,但是孙雅虎不想和刘微软分享经济发展的成果。
刘微软死缠烂打,就是想和孙雅虎媾和,创造新的高潮,差点都动粗了。曹谷歌趁机找到了孙雅虎,兄弟俩合谋联合起来一起在刘微软的尸体上耕耘,让刘微软的肉身成为曹孙二人最后的有机肥料…
两人一拍即合,孙雅虎也觉得与其和代表死亡方向的刘微软结盟,不如和代表未来方向的曹谷歌合作。和垂死之人合作,可能会带进棺材,和生机勃勃之人合作,可能获得二次青春呢,对吧?
于是,曹谷歌不费吹灰之力,以迅雷不及掩耳盗铃儿响叮当里个当之势,将孙雅虎糅合在自己的怀抱里…
刘微软觉得自己丢了脸还丢了人,一下就怒了,要告到东汉的那个不主事的小儿皇帝那里评评理…
要知后事如何,且听下回分解。
相关链接:
大事件(1):微软拟以446亿美元收购雅虎
大事件(2):从杨致远给员工的内部信件说起
Filed under 评论 · Tagged with 互联网, 微软, 收购, 美国, 谷歌, 雅虎